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<h1><a href="https://archiveofourown.org/works/23869417">i could use a drink.</a> by <a class='authorlink' href='https://archiveofourown.org/users/avosettas/pseuds/avosettas'>avosettas</a></h1>

<table class="full">

<tr><td><b>Category:</b></td><td>Hetalia: Axis Powers</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Genre:</b></td><td>Gen, Historical Hetalia, Post-World War II, Stream of Consciousness</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Language:</b></td><td>English</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Status:</b></td><td>Completed</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Published:</b></td><td>2020-04-27</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Updated:</b></td><td>2020-04-27</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Packaged:</b></td><td>2021-05-02 23:53:30</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Rating:</b></td><td>Teen And Up Audiences</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Warnings:</b></td><td>No Archive Warnings Apply</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Chapters:</b></td><td>1</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Words:</b></td><td>2,030</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Publisher:</b></td><td>archiveofourown.org</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Story URL:</b></td><td>https://archiveofourown.org/works/23869417</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Author URL:</b></td><td>https://archiveofourown.org/users/avosettas/pseuds/avosettas</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Summary:</b></td><td><div class="userstuff">
              <p>Easy for him to say. They wanted to avoid becoming a satellite? Becoming economically dependent on the Soviet Union seemed as though it would accomplish the opposite. </p><p>What did he know? He <i>was</i> only the representation of the country as a whole. Far be it from him to offer policy advice. </p><p>// or, Finland after World War II</p>
            </div></td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Comments:</b></td><td>1</td></tr>

<tr><td><b>Kudos:</b></td><td>13</td></tr>

</table>

<a name="section0001"><h2>i could use a drink.</h2></a>
<div class="story"><div class="fff_chapter_notes fff_head_notes"><b>Author's Note:</b><blockquote class="userstuff">
      <p>historical references are listed by year in the end notes.</p><p>this is not meant to be a criticsm of finnish politics at the time, although i certainly have feelings about these politicians. it's meant to portray finland's feelings, being subject to the whims of humans.</p>
    </blockquote></div><div class="userstuff module">
    
    <p>1946. </p><p>Finland stands quietly beside some parliament member he can’t recall the name of. His former president, the man who had led him through a civil war and two wars with Russia, is frail now. </p><p>Seventy-nine, he thinks. Not long for a nation - even the youngest of them had been around longer than that. But it’s taken its toll on Mr. Mannerheim. It’s strange to see his old commander in chief so weak. </p><p>His new boss isn’t much younger, though. Mr. Paasikivi is seventy-five. </p><p>Finland doesn’t know much about him, except that he thinks that they should be complacent in the face of the Soviet Union’s demands. </p><p>Logically, Finland knows, it’s a smart stance. His body still aches from old wounds acquired during the Winter and Continuation Wars, and so, so many of his people are refugees now. </p><p>And Karelia. Oh, Karelia. With Mr. Paasikivi at the helm he won’t be getting it back. He wouldn’t have gotten it back with Mr. Mannerheim, either, but Mr. Mannerheim understood. Mr. Mannerheim could explain why it was hopeless to try and fight the Soviets. Mr. Mannerheim knew him when he still had Karelia, understood the loss he felt. </p><p>Finland would <i>like</i> to fight tooth and nail for it back. For the homes of his people living as refugees, for his own peace of mind. But logically, there’s nothing to be done. </p><p>Vaguely, as the politicians chat, he wonders if he’ll ever get used to how fast humans age. How many times will he be expected to welcome a new president into this office? A new group of politicians into the parliament? </p><p>He could use a stiff drink. Or five. </p><p>~</p><p>1948. </p><p>Mr. Paasikivi is utterly calm, despite sitting across the table from Russia’s boss. Or the Soviet Union. </p><p>Finland isn’t sure how to refer to him, these days. He’s just amazed that Mr. Paasikivi isn’t shaking even with Ivan staring him down from behind Mr. Stalin. </p><p>The treaty they’ve agreed to might force him into another war. </p><p>Mr. Paasikivi doesn’t want war - that’s the whole point of his negotiations with the Soviets, after all - but if it came to it, how much skin off of him would it be? Some countrymen dead. His political reputation tarnished a bit. </p><p>Finland curled on the ground in the snow, in pain from the land being ravaged and soldiers dying for nothing. </p><p>Germany is in no condition to start a war, especially not with Stalin’s franken-country of socialist republics. Neither he nor Finland was in the United Nations, not yet - Mr. Paasikivi feared repercussions from their Soviet neighbors, and Germany’s government, nor the Eastern side puppeted by Ivan’s government, wouldn’t recognize each other and were in no position to be admitted yet, either. </p><p>(Denmark, as always, however, has been getting information and passing it on to the rest of them - <i>in a strictly non-governmental capacity</i>, he would grin if Norway rolled his eyes while they all drank together. </p><p>“He doesn’t look as bad as he did after the last war,” he’d told them quietly, minding the fact that they were in a public bar. “But he still looks bad. ‘Course, plenty of us are still doin’ shitty, too.” </p><p>“No shit,” Norway had replied, just as quiet, before getting up to secure another round for the five of them.)</p><p>~</p><p>Ivan says nothing to him when they leave. Mr. Stalin shakes his hand, and then Mr. Paasikivi’s. Ivan only smiles, so Finland only nods. </p><p>“...The economy is going to stagnate,” he says finally, once they are on their merry way back to Helsinki. “The Marshall Plan -” </p><p>“We will make do, Timo,” says Mr. Paasikivi. </p><p>“You wanted to be neutral and not give them a reason to invade us again,” Finland points out quietly. “This will make us economically dependent on them. Isn’t our goal -” </p><p>“Our goal,” Mr. Paasikivi interrupts, “is to stay out of the conflicts of larger nations. And it’s nothing for you to worry about.” </p><p>Easy for him to say. They wanted to avoid becoming a satellite? Becoming economically dependent on the Soviet Union seemed as though it would accomplish the opposite. </p><p>What did he know? He <i>was</i> only the representation of the country as a whole. Far be it from him to offer policy advice. </p><p>~</p><p>1955. </p><p>“The Soviets have raised no objections to our membership in the United Nations,” Mr. Paasikivi tells him in December. </p><p>He tells the other Nordics the good news over dinner the next night. It’s something of a tradition - they meet for dinner, and then the next day the Nordic Council meeting is held. Finland isn’t exactly a part of it, not yet - he can’t attend until the next meeting, next year. </p><p>“I’ve been accepted into the United Nations,” Finland tells them as they sit in Sweden’s kitchen. “So next year you’ll be seeing a lot more of me!” </p><p>“I’ve been envying you, actually,” Iceland replies grumpily, nursing his akvavit. “I’m tired of dealing with politicians and idiots all day; I’m not sure how you’ve all done it for centuries.” </p><p>“I’ve only been doing it for a few years, actually,” Finland points out quietly. He’s only been independent for about a quarter of a century longer than Iceland. </p><p>He is glad, however, and he knows Norway is too, that Iceland wasn’t forced to fight in multiple wars immediately after gaining his independence, as Finland was. </p><p>“You get used to it, after a while,” Sweden says. “Especially when we’ve been dealing with Den for so long.” </p><p>“Oi, I’m right here!” </p><p>~</p><p>1956. </p><p>Mr. Paasikivi doesn’t get reelected in March. Mr. Kekkonen promises Finland that nothing will change, foreign policy-wise. </p><p>Finland’s not sure if he likes that or not. </p><p>In September he goes to New York for the first time since America gained his independence. The UN building is tall, taller than any building Finland’s ever seen. </p><p>He sits between France and Egypt. It’s very awkward, what with the Suez Crisis going on. Denmark grins at him from Egypt’s other side. </p><p>Everyone is polite to him, mostly. Ivan, of course, is… himself. Germany only gives him a stiff nod - but then, Germany was like that before the wars, too. </p><p>And it’s good to see Estonia again, even if he is stuck under the umbrella of Soviet Socialist Republics, instead of being a part of the United Nations in his own right. Hungary, too, although she’s just as new to this as Finland as is. </p><p>She drags them to eat lunch with her and Ukraine, and Finland is glad for some semblance of normalcy. Ukraine is thin, but in good spirits, and Hungary has deep frown lines but seems content. </p><p>“It’s like a third World War,” Hungary says quietly, so as to avoid the ire of either superpower. Ivan’s government has only recently let her move back into her own country, and even then her movements are monitored. As far as Finland knows, Estonia and Ukraine are still living in Ivan’s country. </p><p>“We’re just trying to stay out of it,” Finland says, gesturing with his head to the other Nordics. Denmark has joined the Netherlands and Belgium at a table with Sweden, Austria, and Germany, where he’s motioning wildly, telling some exaggerated story or other. Iceland seems to just be following Norway around - they’ve ended up at a table with Romania, England, and Northern Ireland. </p><p>“I heard you’re in a mutual defense treaty,” Estonia mutters conspiratorially, keeping one eye on the other side of the lunchroom, where Ivan is sitting with Byelorussia and Cuba. </p><p>“Mr. Paasikivi wouldn’t hear of my objection to it,” Finland replies tiredly. “But it was mostly because Ivan’s boss believed Germany might attack through my country again. And everything needs to be negotiated before anything happens…” </p><p>“Your boss should get out of that,” Ukraine advises, picking at the potato salad she’s taken. </p><p>“I don’t think we can,” Finland sighs. “Besides, it was mostly for their piece of mind, not ours. Mr. Kekkonen will be fine.” <i>I hope.</i></p><p>~</p><p>1958. </p><p>“Khrushchev has removed his ambassador.” </p><p>Finland groans from his spot across Mr. Kekkonen’s desk. It’s childish, sure, but then Mr. Khrushchev had been acting like a child since the election. Mr. Kekkonen only steeples his hands. “They’ve already stopped much of our economic activity.”<br/>
“What do they <i>want</i>?” Finland huffs, still quite aware that he’s acting like a petulant child. </p><p>“They dislike our new government.” </p><p>“...Perhaps because Mr. Fagerholm decided it would be smart to anger them by excluding the SKDL?” Finland states, deadpan in a way that would make Norway proud. He’s never liked Mr. Fagerholm. His foreign policy views, had he won the election against Mr. Kekkonen, would have surely landed Finland in Ivan’s little group of satellites.</p><p>“...Perhaps.” Mr. Kekkonen replies. </p><p>In December Mr. Fagerholm and his whole coalition resign. Finland watches these developments almost boredly; Mr. Kekkonen hadn’t told him anything, but with his foreign policy it was almost unsurprising. </p><p>The crisis is unresolved, though. America offers economic aid, and Finland begs Mr. Kekkonen to make the Foreign Ministry accept it. </p><p>“To do that would undermine the policy we have worked at since the beginning of the decade,” Mr. Kekkonen declared as the Foreign Ministry quietly denied the help. </p><p>What good did any of this do? In 1959, Mr. Kekkonen resolves the issue without Finland’s help. Almost secretly. </p><p>Even his own government no longer wants him. A new ambassador is appointed and the Soviets approve his government once more, even as Mr. Kekkonen warned them that they could choose their own government regardless of Soviet opinion. </p><p>Finland knows they won’t, though. </p><p>~</p><p>1961. </p><p>“Finland. Please, I must talk to you,” Ivan looks haggard, but so many of them did these days that it was hard to remember why. </p><p>“Yes?” Finland pauses mostly out of politeness, but also fear; it would do no good to make the representation of a superpower angry at him. </p><p>“For your President.” Ivan hands him a small envelope. Mr. Kekkonen is on vacation; what the hell is he supposed to do with this? “Please do not forget our treaty.” </p><p>Finland opens it in the bathroom, alone. He’s aware that the other Nordics are probably waiting for him outside the UN building, but to hell with it, they can wait. </p><p>(<i>West German militarization….</i> Tsar Bomba<i>... Treaty of 1948…</i>).  He turns around in the cubicle he’s claimed, and vomits. </p><p>~</p><p>“...possibly a way for them to reestablish a military presence.” Then, “Timo, are you listening?”</p><p>He’s on a payphone in the subway station - it’s all he can do, really. “The phone, er, broke a bit,” he replies dumbly. In truth, he can’t focus for the anxiety of the prospect of another war with <i>anyone</i>. </p><p>“...It will be sorted. And Timo?” </p><p>“Yes, Mr. Kekkonen?” </p><p>“Get some rest, for god’s sake. I can hear you worrying from here.” </p><p>Rest? He’s the representation of a nation trying to balance itself between two superpowers during a war that could end in nuclear destruction of the entire world. <i>Forgive me if I worry about my citizens</i> and <i>myself, Mr. Kekkonen!</i></p><p>He does not go to Novosibirsk with Mr. Kekkonen. He is barely involved at all. </p><p>~</p><p>In 1992, some politician from some other country proposes that nations be allowed to live their lives. <i>These are people,</i> they argued. <i>They did not choose to represent our countries and be stuck into the world of politics for their whole existence</i>. </p><p>And the world <i>agrees</i>! Finland sags in his chair when the resolution passes. Beside him, Estonia, newly independent from Russia, pats his shoulder comfortingly. </p><p>Finland is no longer forced to be at every single meeting; his job is reduced to advising on big issues and certain legislation, and doing paperwork. </p><p>The paperwork and legislation are new. And there aren’t any big issues left, at the moment. </p><p>Something in him, something small and angry, yells in protest. He was made for war and protecting his people and his family, not paperwork. But he wasn’t made for dealing with gigantic issues like nuclear war either. </p><p>Mostly, probably, he just needs to get some vodka and go to the sauna. And then maybe watch <i>Moomin</i> on his couch for the next decade. But for now, he’ll take what he can get.</p>
  </div><div class="fff_chapter_notes fff_foot_notes"><b>Author's Note:</b><blockquote class="userstuff"><p>general notes:<br/>-russia is referred to as "ivan" throughout, as finland doesn't know whether to call him russia or the soviet union, since he technically represents both</p><p>1946:<br/>-carl mannerheim led the white army during the civil war, and the finnish army during the winter and continuation wars. he was president after the continuation war until 1946.<br/>-juho paasikivi was known for his anti-communist stances and also for complacent foreign policy. president from 1946-56.<br/>-karelia was lost during the winter war, then regained and lost again during the continuation war. the finns living there were evacuated and became refugees. </p><p>1948:<br/>-the fino-soviet treaty of 1948 is signed in moscow. this stipulates that if there is a western incursion through finland to the ussr, finland will come to the soviets aid.<br/>-the marshall plan: nothing in the treaty said it directly, but the finns were hesitant to take advantage of the marshall plan. as a result of the treaty they didn't and became economically reliant on the ussr</p><p>1955:<br/>-the un was established in 1945 but finland was not admitted until december 1955; meetings are held in september.<br/>-the nordic council was established in 1952 but finland did not join until 1955. meetings are held in october/november.</p><p>1956:<br/>-urho kekkonen is elected president, continues paasikivi's foreign policy, leading to the name "paasikivi-kekkonen line"<br/>-the tallest builidng in finland is over 400 feet tall; the un building is 505 feet tall.<br/>-the suez canal crisis occurred in lated 1956; israel, the uk, and france invaded egypt.<br/>-hungary was a member of the un in its own right, admitted at the same time as finland; estonia, belarus, and ukraine were members under the ussr.<br/>-belarus was known as byelorussia or belorussia before it gained independence from the ussr. </p><p>1958:<br/>-the night frost crisis. ussr disliked finland's new government and punished them economically and removed their ambassador from helsinki. fagerholm was the leader of this new government - the soviets hated him.<br/>-SKDL. the finnish communist party</p><p>1961:<br/>-the note crisis. the ussr asks to begin negotiations as stipulated in the 1948 due to fears of west german mobilization. tsar bomba, the largest nuclear bomb at the time, was tested concurrently.<br/>-kekkonen was in hawaii on vacation at the time the note was recieved. he solves it by meeting with khruschev in novosibirsk. </p><p>1992: headcanon, obviously. i hope haha</p></blockquote></div></div>
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